Calendrical data on the tombstones of Ye Lianbiao and Ye Lianan

Although Kwong Tong Cemetery 吉隆坡廣東義山 was established in 18951, tombstones with earlier dates can be found within its grounds. Typically, when remains were exhumed and relocated to Kwong Tong Cemetery, the old headstones were discarded and new ones were commissioned for the new burial site2.

  1. Based on an epitaph dated 光緒21年, , 21st year of the Reign of Emperor Guāngxù, \(\frac{21}{1} =\frac{1895}{1875}\).
  2. Consider for instance, the relocation of Yap Ah Loy's bones from Jalan Ampang 暗邦・一條石・古壠窩橋 to Kwong Tong Cemetery.

Fortunately, in some cases, the original burial dates were preserved, either by reusing the old headstones or by inscribing the old burial dates on the (new|original) headstones. Two notable headstones deserve special attention, as their owners are the father and uncle of the Captain China of Kuala Lumpur.


The tombstone of Ye Lianbiao (1878)

Sexagesimal numbers (\(\sigma_i, \, i = 1, 2, \ldots, 60\)) used in Yè Liánbiāo's burial date are: \(\sigma_3 = \) 丙寅, \(\sigma_{15} = \) 戊寅, and \(\sigma_{53} = \) 丙辰. Sexagesimal numbers are in turn built from celestial numbers 天干, \(\Gamma_k, \, k = 1, 2, \ldots, 10\) and terrestial numbers 地支, \(\zeta_m, \, m = 1, 2, \ldots, 12\), but special Chinese glyphs are mapped to these celestial and terrestial numbers, e.g. \(\Gamma_2 = \) 乙, \(\zeta_{10} = \) 酉, etc, and they can reduced directly from the To compute value of \(\sigma\) directly from \(\Gamma\) and \(\zeta\), use:$$\sigma = \Gamma + 5(\Gamma - \zeta)\;{\rm mod}\;60$$For instance, for \(戊 = \Gamma_5 = 5, 寅 = \zeta_3 = 3\), we have \(\sigma = 5 + 5(5-3) = 15 = 戊寅\).sexagesimal numbers by \(\Gamma = \sigma\;{\rm mod}\;10\) and \(\zeta = \sigma\;{\rm mod}\;12 \), e.g. \(53 = 3\;{\rm mod}\;10\), \(53 = 5\;{\rm mod}\;12\).
\(\sigma\) \(\Gamma\) \(\Gamma_{01}\) \(\Gamma_{02}\) \(\Gamma_{03}\) \(\Gamma_{04}\) \(\Gamma_{05}\) \(\Gamma_{06}\) \(\Gamma_{07}\) \(\Gamma_{08}\) \(\Gamma_{09}\) \(\Gamma_{10}\)
\(\zeta\) 12345678910
\(\zeta_{01}\) 1 1 13 25 37 49
\(\zeta_{02}\) 2 2 14 26 38 50
\(\zeta_{03}\) 3 51 27 39
\(\zeta_{04}\) 4 52 4 16 28 40
\(\zeta_{05}\) 5 41 5 17 29
\(\zeta_{06}\) 6 42 54 6 18 30
\(\zeta_{07}\) 7 31 43 55 7 19
\(\zeta_{08}\) 8 32 44 56 8 20
\(\zeta_{09}\) 9 21 33 45 57 9
\(\zeta_{10}\) 10 22 34 46 58 10
\(\zeta_{11}\) 11 11 23 35 47 59
\(\zeta_{12}\) 12 12 24 36 48 60

Usually only the burial year is represented in In general, \(n\;{\rm mod}\;60\) is given by $$n \; {\rm mod}\;60= n + 60 \left( 1 + \left\lfloor-\tfrac{n}{60} \right\rfloor \right) $$This definition deviate slightly from the usual arithmetic modulo defined by Gauss. When the value of the modulo is evaluated to zero (0), it is adjusted to 60.modulo 60 (or sexagesimal system). However, on the tombstone of Yè Liánbiāo 葉聯標, the burial month and burial day are also encrypted sexagesimally, and they are given as:

\(\frac{4}{34}\)光緒四年・\(\frac{15}{60}\)戊寅\(\frac{53}{60}\)丙辰\(\frac{3}{60}\)丙寅 = \((\sigma_{年}, \sigma_{月}, \sigma_{日})\)

The burial year can be deciphered very easily since the fourth year (\(\frac{4}{1} =\frac{1878}{1875}\)) of the Reign of Emperor Guāngxù 光緒四年, , is given by the following bracket

\(d_{\rm 光緒四年}\in\) [2 February 1878, 22 January 1879)

To solve for the burial date, the dates within the given bracket are then converted to rata die (or Julian day number) since the burial date must match

$${\rm rd}(d_{\rm 光緒四年}) + 15 \equiv \sigma_{日} \; {\rm mod}\; 60$$

Since \(b\) has to satisfy the following equation

$$12\sigma_{年} + b - 10 \equiv \sigma_{月}\;{\rm mod}\;60$$

Thus, Yè Liánbiāo's burial day is unmistakably 18 April since it is able to resolve all sexagesimal values correctly.

  1. The name of the father of Yap Ah Loy was incorrectly given as 葉聯開 (Yè Liánkāi) in a genealogical chart displayed at the Sin Sze Si Ya Temple Pioneers of Kuala Lumpur Museum 吉隆坡師爺廟拓荒博物館. In a recent book (百年建業・吉隆坡華人歷史・1857-1957) authored by Liew Kam Ba 劉崇漢 (2023), the name was incorrectly given as 葉聯升 (Yap Luan Hoi). (the typo was likely induced by the similarity of 开 and 升, p. 258). Liew cited his source as Ng Lai Hoe (1990) Yap Ah Loy dan Sejarah Kuala Lumpur (unpublished dissertation) and the Sin Sze Si Ya Temple Pioneers of Kuala Lumpur Museum. In a comic book (甲必丹葉亞來畫傳, by by Ma Zu 馬卒) published in 1977, we have the following lines: 公元一八四五年,中國清朝時,廣東省的惠陽縣有一名農夫,名叫葉聯開。他有一個女兒和四個兒子。大兒子名字叫葉亞來,又名葉德來。葉聯開一家人的生活,本來已過得清苦。後來太平軍在廣西省起義,附近各省都受到了戰亂的影響,他們的生活就更加艱難了。It is likely that Ng (1990) sourced the name of Yap's father from the comic book or from Wang (1958). The source used by Ma is probably the full length biography of Yap written by Wang Zhiyuan 王植原 (1958). In p. 16, Wang wrote: 葉來的祖父名文福,父名聯開,母范氏,生葉來兄弟茂蘭、茂恭、茂松、茂寬及妹亞滿等五人,葉來居長。Wang's father was Wang Tianquan 王天泉, Yap's legal advisor.


rata die Probable burial date Chinese date Chinese lunisolar month, \(b\)
1 685,608 17 February 1878 一月十六日 1
2 685,668 18 April 1878 三月十六日 3
3 685,728 17 June 1878 五月十七日 5
4 685,788 16 August 1878 七月十八日 7
5 685,848 15 October 1878 九月二十日 9
6 685,908 14 December 1878 十一月二十一日 11

The picture on the left was taken from Lee Yip Lim 李業霖 (1935 - 2023) studied history in Nanyang University, Singapore, and he was a student of Hsu Yun-Tsiao 許雲樵 (1905 - 1981). In 1997, the book edited by Lee, Yap Ah Loy's biography 吉隆坡開拓者的足跡: 甲必丹葉亜來的一生, was published by Huazi Resource and Research Centre Bhd (Centre for Malaysian Chinese Studies) 華社研究中心. The book contains a short biography of Yap Ah Loy edited by Chéng Dàozhōng 程道中 and several loose articles by Tan Kim Hong 陳劍虹, Sharon Carstens (translated into Chinese), and Lee himself.Lee (1997), p. 292. The picture on the middle, on the other hand, was taken from Important tombs, epigraphs, documents of Kwong Tong Cemetery Kuala Lumpur 死生契闊—吉隆坡廣東義山墓碑與圖片輯要 was a book jointly published by the Centre for Malaysian Chinese Studies 華社研究中心 and Kwong Tong Cemetery Kuala Lumpur 吉隆坡廣東義山 and was edited by Foo Yen Chew 古燕秋 (1983 - )Foo (2014), p. 168. The picture on the right was taken recently on 25 May 2024. The lines on the tombstone (the glyphs were still clearly visible in the photograph on the left. In the most recent photograph, however, only the main line is legible, the sublines on the sides are heavily corroded by wind and rain water as the stone is not protected by an outer frame, like that of the other family members in the Yap family grave-array) read: 歸善・顯考聯標・葉公大人之墓・光緒四年戊寅丙辰丙寅入墓・吉隆埔之陽・地盤卯山西向・癸未仲春吉𐄁重修・奉祀𐄁茂蘭・隆興1隆盛2隆順3隆發4曾孫等敬立. Guīshàn 歸善 is a district in Huìzhōu 惠州, where Yè Liánbiāo was born (the toponym was changed to Huìyáng 惠陽 in 1912). Renovation date of the burial site can also be seen on stone: 癸未年仲春月吉□重修 (between 9 March 1883 and 7 April 1883).



The tombstone of Ye Lianan (1884)

The date on the tombstone \((3\frac{7.6274}{60}^\circ{\rm N}, 101\frac{42.3482}{60}^\circ{\rm E})\) of Ye Lianan in Foo (2014) was only partially complete as it is given as 光绪十年甲申季春月吉旦4.

\(d_{\rm 光绪十年}^{\rm 甲申季春月}\in\) [27 March 1884, 25 April 1884)

Ye Lianan is likely paternally linked to Ye Lianbiao and thus an uncle of Yap Ah Loy since the main line and the subline on the tombstone carries the following inscriptions:

惠邑・皇清故叔・葉聫安・之佳城
・葉茂・立

Approximately: the tomb 佳城 of my late uncle 故叔, Yè Liánān 葉聫安, erected 立 by his filial nephew 祀姪5 Yè Màoyǐn 葉茂芛.

  1. An auspicious day 吉旦 in the 3rd Month 季春月 of the 10th Year 光绪十年 of the Reign of Emperor Guangxu.
  2. The two glyphs 姪 and 侄 are used interchangably to refer to nephews and nieces. The orthoglyph in Taiwan, for instance, is the former. Usage 1: To address the children of brothers: Niece 姪女, nephew 姪子. 用以稱兄弟的子女。如:姪女、姪子。 Usage 2: To address the children of relatives and friends (not necessarily paternally linked). 用以稱親友的子女。如:賢姪、世姪。 Usage 3: Pronoun to refer oneselves relative to paternal relatives. 對父執輩的自稱。《儒林外史》第三一回:小姪已經把他令郎、令孫都接在此侍奉湯藥。

The word 芛蘭 can be found in the Chinese translation of the Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra 大般涅槃經. For instance, the quote on the right is extracted from Chapter 5 in Fascicle 18 卷第十八・梵行品之第五. Several paragraphs earlier in the same chapter, we have: 耆婆白王:「大王!如來法中無有選擇良日吉星。大王!如重病人猶不看日、時節吉凶,唯求良醫。王今病重,求佛良醫不應選擇良時好日。大王!如栴檀火及芛蘭火,二俱燒相,無有異也。吉日、凶日亦復如是,若到佛所,俱得滅罪。唯願大王今日速往。

世尊!我見世間從芛蘭子生芛蘭樹,不見芛蘭生栴檀樹。我今始見從芛蘭子生栴檀樹——芛蘭子者,我身是也;栴檀樹者,即是我心無根信也。無根者,我初不知恭敬如來,不信法、僧,是名無根。

Tombstone of Ye Lianan in Foo (2014), p. 40

The name Yè Màoyǐn 葉茂芛 is not found in Middlebrook (1951) or Yap's genealogical records. Based on Middlebrook's paper and data collected from interviews of friends and families of Yap, Wang (1958) listed only 茂恭 Màogōng, 茂松 Màosōng, 茂寬 Màokuān as the siblings of 葉茂蘭 (Yap Ah Loy), the name of cousins are not given. Wang's list is problematic because the name of Yap Ah Loy's father was given as 葉聯開 Yè Liánkāi, which is epigraphically inconsistent with what we described earlier, and it is reasonable to posit that the names of the siblings could be equally unreliable.

Impressions produced by a wooden stamp similar to the one shown on the left can be found in the Malay letters written by Yap Ah Loy (29 March 1877, 1957/0000387W; 2 May 1881, 1957/0001366W). The text on the stamp literarily means: Letters 書柬 from Tek Seng 德生 of Klang 吉隆.


Cardamon flower 芛蘭 and cardamom leaf 芛蘭葉. The binary name for cardamom is Elettaria cardamomum. The genus name is apparently etymologically linked to the Indian word elā (एला).

芛 (yǐn|wěi) and 蘭 (lán) are obviously glyphs invented for labelling plants6, and one is attempted to connect these given names to the apothecary symbiotically tied to the Sin Sze Si Ya Temple 吉隆坡師爺廟. The name of the shop was Chop Tek Seng 德生號, and it is commonly described as the pharmacy owned by Yap Ah Loy7.

  1. In the Buddhist Chinese-Sanskrit Dictionary 佛教漢梵大辭典 (1997), compiled by 平川, we have the following entries: word 芛蘭 | 芛蘭葉 is a reference to cardamom leaf or elāpatra (एलापत्र) in Sanskrit. Here the Indian word elā was given the phonetic approximation 芛蘭 (Yǐnlán, the sound value of 芛 should be yǐn instead of the now standard wěi) Cardamom leaf is commonly inflused in hot water and consumed as refreshment.
  2. We know the given birth name (名) and post-matriculation name (字) of Yap Ah Loy are 德 and 茂, respectively. For a long time, we were told that 德生 was merely the name of Yap Ah Loy's pharmacy. The epigraphic existence of 茂芛 allows us to posit that 德 and 茂 are given name and post-matriculation name of another person, likely paternally linked to Yap Ah Loy (a cousin or a brother).


Wooden block for printing the miraculous recipes of Si Ya 師爺仙方 (shown here are Formula 15: 病回鬼擾,破財作福,再息仙師,后賜方服; Formula 16: 京青布一□,青松□五兮,桑葉五分,凈水煎服; Formula 17: 來不虔誠,未潔其身,回去滌垢,再禱神明; and Formula 18: 龍眼五个,大枣二枚,滾湯泡食,元氣自倍; Formulas 15/17 are placeboic presciptions instead of herbal prescriptions). The printed slips were likely issued by Sin Sze Si Ya Temple 吉隆坡師爺廟 after the patient concluded their consultation session with the wizard doctor at the Temple. It is reasonable to suppose that the patient would then visit a pharmacy or apothecary, such as Chop Tek Seng 德生號, to acquire the herbs. The recipes are concluded with the line: 信紳葉德生敬刊 (respectfully printed by Yap Tek Seng, the devout). There is a real possiblity that Yap Tek Seng 葉德生 is not Yap Tek Loy 葉德來, and if this is true, then Yap Tek Seng was likely a paternal sibling of Yap Tek Loy. In all the National Archive documents reviewed so far, the Malay letters issued by Yap Ah Loy are always sealed with a stamp bearing the name ‘Tek Seng 德生' or ‘Yap Tek Seng 葉德生', instead of ‘Yap Tek Loy 葉德來'. Strangely, it is in a Malay letter (18 September 1888, i.e. three years after the death of Yap Ah Loy), written by Kok Kang Keow 郭庚嬌, that we given, for the first time, a stamp bearing the name ‘Captain Yap Tek Loy 葉德來甲政'. One possible explanation is that Yap Tek Loy (來) entrusted Yap Tek Seng (生) to pen all his communications, thus all outputs from the apothecary are sealed with stamp of the pharmacy.

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